Will competition in Hep C drug market bring down costs? #hepatitis

Lots of health news emerges from investor events like this week’s J.P. Morgan Healthcare Conference. The Globe’s Robert Weisman reports this morning on competition for Cambridge-based (soon to be Boston-based) Vertex Pharmaceuticals.

SAN FRANCISCO – It was supposed to be a victory lap for Vertex Pharmaceuticals Inc. executives: their first appearance at the life sciences industry’s most important annual conclave since the Cambridge biotechnology company won long-sought approval of its potential blockbuster drug to treat hepatitis C.

But the Vertex team, including the departing chief executive and his newly appointed successor, was partly upstaged by an announcement on the eve of the 30th annual J.P. Morgan Healthcare Conference that the giant drug maker Bristol-Myers Squibb Co. was entering the hepatitis C market.

Bristol-Myers said it will spend $2.5 billion to buy Inhibitex Inc., which is developing a next-generation hepatitis C treatment that will compete with two being developed by Vertex.

As he notes, the company’s stock price has dropped from $58.87 in May to $35.68 yesterday.

Will competition also bring the price of Telaprevir down?  The Globe reports that the drug will cost between $30,000 and $50,000 per treatment.

In the meantime, the company is building a new waterfron tower.The Globe also reports that the new headquarters will cost $2 billion. Boston will kick in a $11.8 million tax break, for the company, which is now located in Cambridge.

Hounded ex-Medicare chief Berwick back in Boston

Donald Berwick, who was hounded out of Washington for saying something nice about the UK health system, is back in town and on WBUR today.

Also check out today’s NTYimes op/ed by Joe Nocera:

Dr. Donald Berwick was already in Massachusetts when I spoke to him Sunday afternoon. He was back in the Newton home where he’d lived for 30 years, being pleasantly interrupted during our conversation by his 2-year-old grandson. His last day in Washington as the administrator of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services had been Thursday. Friday was packing day. Saturday was moving day. And, by Sunday, he was already talking about his too-short, 17-month tenure as the nation’s top Medicare official in the past tense. Which, alas, it was.       

Dr. Berwick, I’m here to tell you, was the most qualified person in the country to run Medicare at this critical juncture, and the fact that he is no longer in the job is the country’s loss.

Mass. single-payer advocates take on limits of state health reform

Before you write off these folks, note that a recent survey of doctors by the Massachusetts Medical Society found that a growing number of doctors support the idea of a single-payer system. More than 40 percent, up from  34 percent last year. So do a lot of folks at Occupy Boston.

Massachusetts Health Reform in Practice and The Future of National Health Reform

OVERVIEW: While the Massachusetts health reform law of 2006, widely regarded as the model for the new federal health law, reduced the uninsured population in the state, it did so at the cost of rapidly rising underinsurance, increased health care premiums, and a financial crisis among the state’s safety-net hospitals and community health centers. And the financial burden of the reform has fallen disproportionately on lower-middle-class families.

Those are some of the findings in a new, exhaustively documented report on the outcomes of the Massachusetts reform law released by Mass-Care and Massachusetts Physicians for a National Health Program. The report draws on hundreds of sources, including academic studies, government statistics and scientific surveys, in the first compilation of its kind.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The Massachusetts Health Reform Law of 2006 expanded Medicaid coverage for the poor and made available publicly subsidized private health insurance for additional low-income residents of the state. It also mandated that all but the poorest uninsured residents either purchase private health insurance or pay a substantial fine (up to $1,212 in 2011). Smaller fines (up to $295 per employee) were also levied on employers who fail to offer insurance.

Four years after full implementation of the law, Massachusetts has not achieved universal coverage, although one-half to two-thirds of the previously uninsured now have some type of insurance policy. Most of the gains in coverage have come from expansions in publicly subsidized insurance. This largely represented a shift of patients from the state’s former Free Care Pool, which compensated hospitals and community health centers directly for care of the uninsured, to private insurance plans, which is a more costly way to provide care. The reform did not lead to a sustained increase in employer-sponsored coverage, but did slow declining employer coverage. Instead of dropping coverage, employers in Massachusetts have increased cost sharing, shifting costs on to employees, leading to rapidly rising underinsurance after health reform. The use of high-deductible plans more than tripled for residents with private insurance, and good insurance coverage at small businesses all but disappeared over a few short years after reform.

Reform has had a positive impact on access to care in the state, but this impact has affected a modest share of residents, and for some patients has been negative. For example, some low-income patients who previously received completely free care under the state’s prior free care program faced new co-payments and premiums after becoming insured, which impeded their access to care. Reform has not reduced the burden of medical bills and medical bankruptcy on Massachusetts’ families.

The growth of residents with insurance coverage has exacerbated a primary care shortage in Massachusetts by increasing wait times for appointments and decreasing the portion of physicians accepting new patients, creating access problems even for those with coverage. Reform did not reverse growing use of the state’s emergency departments for care, despite expectations that expanding insurance coverage would reroute patients through primary care offices. There is no evidence as of yet that expanding insurance coverage has had an impact on health outcomes or disparities in health outcomes. Reform has also created a financial crisis for safety net providers that specialize in care for low-income communities and the uninsured, by shifting resources away from safety net providers while patient demand for safety net care has actually increased.

The public cost of reform has been high, exceeding $800 million in fiscal 2009 for a state with a total budget of $32.5 billion.  However, federal taxpayers paid for the bulk of the law’s public expenses. The state has made a broad range of cuts to the original law in order to its keep costs down, cutting back coverage for over 30,000 documented immigrants, curtailing some benefits, increasing cost sharing, and increasing the share of enrollees required to pay premiums. Substantial funds from the federal stimulus bill were also used to sustain the reform law, but this was a short-term fix only.

Public payments account for only a portion of the reform law’s costs. A central premise of the law was that the state, employers, and individuals would all have to sacrifice financially to approach the goal of universal coverage. This premise of “shared responsibility” for the costs of the reform was in many ways disingenuous. Although employers, individuals, state and federal government have shared the burden of increased costs roughly equally, this overlooks the fact that governments pass on their spending to taxpayers, and employers pass on their costs to employees.  The actual burden of health reform was regressive, with increased spending after health reform falling disproportionately on lower-middle income residents.

The reform failed to “bend the cost curve” in Massachusetts because it contained no significant cost-control provisions. Health care costs in Massachusetts are higher than in any other state in the nation, and reform has been found to accelerate the rising costs of employer-sponsored health care. There is general agreement that the Massachusetts reform is itself not sustainable without effective cost control.

Massachusetts enjoyed favorable circumstances at the outset of reform, such as previously high levels of spending on health care for the poor, high personal incomes, and relatively low rates of uninsurance. Without controlling costs, national reform will run up against the same difficulties as Massachusetts: growth in public insurance coverage will prove unsustainable and will accompany the rapid erosion of private insurance benefits, while modest gains in access to care will be threatened in the short term by unsustainably high costs that are increasingly shifted on to patients.

While Massachusetts health reform has enjoyed support from a majority of residents in the state, that support has declined since national health reform instigated a broader debate over alternatives to the Massachusetts plan. Moreover, while residents support the Massachusetts reform law over no change at all, they have expressed increasing skepticism that the law is working for vulnerable communities, and more residents report that the law is hurting them than helping them.

We believe that the data in this report should give pause to those concerned with national health care reform. Although not without its successes, the Massachusetts reform has not addressed the fundamental deficiencies in the health care system – treating symptoms rather than causes – and even its modest successes are unsustainable for the state and Massachusetts residents.

Occupy Health Care: Boston protesters say Wall Street makes them sick

While health reform may not be at the top of their agenda, some of the Occupy Boston protesters down at Dewey Square had no problem linking the high cost of medical care to their complaints about Wall Street.  Some support Obama’s reforms; others called for a single payer system. But, nearly everyone interviewed had universal health care on his or her list of demands.

Even MIT professor Noam Chomsky said  the health care system is tainted by what he described as a government dominated by private corporations. Speaking on Saturday night, he told the crowd that the  federal budget deficit could be eliminated if the US had a health care system like other countries in the developed world — presumably single payer.

Medicare itself is not the problem, he said.

“It’s a problem because it goes through the privatized, unregulated system,” he said. “It is totally dysfunctional. You can’t talk about this in Washington because of the power of the financial institutions. “

More from the rank and file below.

Pfizer moves in @ Longwood Ave. and other health policy news

  • Nature Network Boston has some thoughts on Pfizer’s drug development deal with Boston hospitals. Will NIH get anything out of all the NIH-funded research that the drug company plans to license? Maybe a price break for the consumers who paid for the research that will lead to new drugs? Maybe not.
  • Also, check out this week’s Health Wonk Review, which feature bimonthly highlights from health policy blogs.
  • The Globe reports:  Thousands of legal immigrants may have to wait weeks longer to find out whether the state’s highest court will order Massachusetts to restore their full health insurance benefits.Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court Associate Justice Robert J. Cordy today ordered lawyers for the state to file their motions by June 23.
  • Finally, if you are into the science side of health, or science in general, check out Nature Network Boston’s new Google calendar.

$$$: Not enough for asthma, nurses?

The Globe reports on federal cuts to the asthma research program:

Budget cuts proposed today by the Obama administration would strike heavily in Boston’s health care community, threatening the training of young pediatricians and imperiling a program that tackles asthma in older homes.

Commonhealth reports on complaints from union nurses at Tufts. Also see the ad on the Globe op/ed page.

Budget cuts proposed today by the Obama administration would strike heavily in Boston’s health care community, threatening the training of young pediatricians and imperiling a program that tackles asthma in older homes.

For the other side, sort of,  see this website from Tufts on its nursing program.

Boston hospitals: The rich get richer and the poor get sold

First, a note that this week’s roving roundup of health policy blogs, Health Wonk Review, is up on the Health Care Economist. For past posts, see the HWR home page.

In local news, The Globe reports on a massive, $1.5 (not a typo) billion  fundraising effort by MGH.  Known as the “Campaign for the Third Century of MGH Medicine,” about a third of the cash will go to putting up the building to the left. In addition to adding 19 operating rooms, it will expand the number of hospital beds  by almost 20 (not a typo)  percent, the Globe says.

We know where Bill Gates gets his cash. Let’s hope the rest isn’t Madoff money. (See the Brigham’s Shapiro Center and MIT’s Picower neuroscience program.)

Massachusetts General Hospital has raised $1 billion as part of a $1.5 billion fund-raising campaign — despite the tattered economy and turmoil in the hospital industry — putting it on track to set what is believed to be a New England record.

For the “poor get sold” piece, see the Globe and WBUR on the pending sale of the Caritas hospitals to a for-profit group.  Also see the paper of record and Commonhealth for stories — and in the latter case, a goofy video —  on the push for global payments.



Consultant: Consumers feel powerless over health care costs

You need to register to get this report from a Boston research company. This from the press release:

Most Consumers Feel Helpless in Lowering Healthcare Costs 
Chadwick Martin Bailey study finds 67% of consumers believe they have little or no impact when it comes to lowering their healthcare costs

Boston, MA September 16, 2010- A new study of over 1500 consumers looks at how Americans feel about Healthcare Reform and how it will impact them. The key findings show that while most consumers do not fully understand Healthcare Reform, they do anticipate it will have an impact on their lives.  When it comes to lowering their own healthcare costs, however, most consider themselves helpless. The findings have been released in a free Healthcare Reform report available from Chadwick Martin Bailey and South Street Strategy Group.

With much of the coverage of Health Reform focused on increased costs to businesses and subsequently to their employees, the majority (67%) of consumers believe that they have little to no impact on reducing their own healthcare costs.  While consumers feel that they do not have a major impact, 75% of consumers see health insurance companies as responsible for lowering health costs, significantly more than those pointing the finger at government agencies (46%). 

Consumers’ Understanding of Reform and the Impact
The study found while 30% consider themselves knowledgeable about Health Reform, half only consider themselves somewhat knowledgeable and 19% fully admit they don’t know much at all when it comes to Healthcare Reform. Much of this confusion or partial understanding may be due to the perception that the media does not present the issues in an unbiased way (only 18% said that it is presented without bias).

Even with the confusion surrounding Health Reform, most people believe that reform will have an impact on their lives with 35% expecting a major impact on them or their family, 39% expecting a small impact, and 18% unsure of the impact they should expect.  In fact, only 9% of those included in our research thought it would have no impact on them or their family.

About This Research
An executive summary report with
additional findings from this study is available as a free download from Chadwick Martin Bailey and South Street Strategy Group. Data was collected from 1,504 adults (aged 18 and over) via a nationally representative online survey questionnaire within the United States by Chadwick Martin Bailey the week of August 23rd. 

BUwonks: Venture capitalists + higher prices won’t stabilize hospitals

Alan Sager and Deborah Socolar of  BU School of Public Health study the hospital industry. In the letters page of the Globe, they point out that Massachusetts pays”  hospitals about $22 billion. That’s $3,400 per citizen, 55 percent above the national average.

They don’t think the pending Caritas sale will help fix that.

Combining many small money-losing hospitals into one big money-losing chain doesn’t save money. Still, Caritas promises savings by waving the magic wand of “economies of scale’’ (“Caritas looks to buy R.I. hospital,’’).

Partners talked this way years ago. But that merger made money through higher prices, not lower costs. If Caritas combines with other hospitals, will it use its new power to demand higher prices and threaten to close if payers don’t agree? Will it grow too big to be allowed to fail?

Opinions: One on Medicare, one on investor-owned hospitals in Mass

Three items of note in the morning papers:

Republicans claim to be deeply worried about the deficit — their favorite political target, followed closely by President Obama’s relentlessly demonized health care reform. So why are they so determined to overturn one of the central cost-control mechanisms of the new reform law?

Republicans in both the Senate and the House have introduced bills that would eliminate the new Independent Payment Advisory Board, which is supposed to come up with ways to rein in excessive Medicare spending — and stiffen Congress’s spine.

More fodder to demonize now CMS head Donald Berwick, the NYT says: Republicans are also eagerly, and shamefully, pillorying Dr. Donald Berwick, the new head of the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. There are few figures who command greater respect for uniting health professionals and institutions to improve the quality of medical care while reducing costs. That is not stopping these critics from implying — baselessly — that he will introduce socialized medicine and death panels in this country.

  The truth is that Dr. Berwick has praised the socialized British health care system, especially for  its emphasis on primary care. This country certainly needs to do more to develop its primary care system. And he has, rightly, called for an open discussion of the health care rationing that is already widespread in our system. When insurers decline to cover procedures, or high prices screen out low-income people, that is rationing.

Dr. Berwick has endorsed the use of “comparative effectiveness” research to determine which treatments work best. He would use such research to judge whether a new drug or procedure is worth the cost of coverage, a step the reform law shies away from. He does not have the power to change that law. But the issue will have to be addressed at some point if there is to be any hope of restraining medical spending.

Democrats have to counter the Republicans’ demagoguery with facts. Americans need to understand that if Senator (John) Cornyn (of Texas) and others get their way, runaway health care costs will only get worse.

  • And an editorial in the Globe says the state needs to scrutinize the sale of the Caritas hospitals to a group of investors to make sure it’s a good deal for everyone:

 THERE ARE good reasons to support the proposed sale of Boston-based Caritas Christi Health Care to New York private equity firm Cerberus Capital Management. In addition to protecting over 12,000 in-state jobs, Cerberus has promised to pay off the non-profit hospital chain’s debt, permanently secure employees’ pensions, earmark $100 million for hospital renovations and expansions, create up to 4,300 new jobs, and increase the system’s footprint by 117,000 square feet. With promises like that, it’s no wonder elected officials including Senators John Kerry and Scott Brown are urging Attorney General Martha Coakley to approve the deal. But before Coakley signs off, she must obtain from Cerberus a clearer sense of how it plans to achieve these goals, and a new commitment of a longer time period before the firm can back out by selling the hospitals.

  •  WIth that — and Partners — in mind, check out this story from The Washington Post on the pros and cons of large health care systems, including one in with Roanoke, Virginia. 

ROANOKE — Railroads put this city on the map, but the king of the domain is now health care — or rather, the Carilion Clinic.

Carilion owns the two hospitals in town and six others in the region, employs 550 doctors and has set off a bitter local debate: Is its dominance a new model for health care or a blatant attempt to corner the market?

Carilion says it represents an ideal envisioned by the nation’s new health-care law: a network that increases efficiency by bringing more doctors and hospitals onto one team, integrating care from the doctor’s office to the operating room. The name for such networks, which the new law strongly promotes with pilot programs, is accountable care organizations, or ACOs — providers joining together to be “accountable” for the total care of patients, with incentives from insurers to keep people healthy and costs down.

“We need to fundamentally get off a transaction system where you’re paid for what you do to patients to being paid to care for them,” says Carilion chief executive Edward Murphy.

But skeptics apply a more old-fashioned term to networks like Carilion: monopolies, which they say will make health care even more expensive.

“The only way to decrease costs that truly works is increasing competition, but for some reason in health care, we’re supposed to believe that competition drives up costs,” said ophthalmologist Frank Cotter.

The gap between those two views is at the heart of whether the law succeeds in controlling costs. Meanwhile, the question is creating a schism in the Roanoke Valley, a region of more than 250,000 people that depends on Carilion’s 12,300 jobs but also worries about health-care costs out of proportion to the area’s cost of living.

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